With the caveat that our state’s ballot access laws allow for changes before the November election, here’s a look at the current electoral math.

Those experienced with returning ballots are likely familiar with their county’s drop boxes, handing a sealed ballot to someone at the election official’s office and tracking their ballots online or through phone calls.

As noted in October following oral arguments, the opinion in Bost’s favor says nothing about the merits of his case but effectively sends us back three years and enables a federal judge to rule on the underlying constitutional question.

A judicial branch is separate from the executive and legislative but also equal: our judges and justices are, at least in some portions of their careers, politicians. They have to finance campaigns and occasionally face voters.

One thing that stuck out from the entire process was JCAR members strongly preferring IDOC had taken a more conventional approach to addressing a situation they hadn’t adequately shown to be a crisis.

There are already too many high school graduation requirements; not all districts can sufficiently hire staff to offer the courses. Integrating languages into elementary schools would be more logical from an educational and curriculum density standpoint.

If you hear a politician asserting concerns about administrative financial fraud or abuse, it’s important to listen closely to hear if that person offers the types of details that would be included in these publicly available documents.

Anyone who lived in Illinois during that campaign cycle remembers the advertising barrage – specifically glossy mailers – and it’s a safe assumption none but those who work in promotions and printing are eager for another round.

'It is only through early detection from attentive medical experts that my condition was diagnosed so early, and resolved so quickly and effectively.'

To be clear, lawmakers (and their staffs) are working far more often than between the gavels. If nothing else, they should be responding to the constituent calls and emails I urge readers to generate.

So while telling others what to do remains more satisfying than getting off my duff and making something happen, I’ll err on the side of practicality.

Turning bills into laws is only one step in a lengthy process. Money is usually required, and simply getting people talking about an issue is no guarantee those conversations will lead to action.

That we’re still on the improvement path seven years later isn’t the most encouraging, but it does show a commitment to actually addressing problems.

Some districts will seize these new opportunities. But not every Illinois school is equipped to offer such options.

In fiscal 2025 the state’s public K-12 spending was just shy of $11 billion. In fiscal 2026, it’s nearly $11.2 billion. Each figure constitutes roughly 20% of the General Revenue Fund.

'Giving public money to a professional sports franchise doesn’t crack the top 100 things the people of Illinois are asking for, expecting, or willing to tolerate right now.'

More than 250 new laws take effect in Illinois Jan. 1. As has become custom around here I like to use the last few columns of December to review legislation that might not have gotten proper attention earlier in the year.

As with facial scans and voice recognition, technology falling under the blanket descriptor of “artificial intelligence” is advancing far more rapidly that any legislation could hope to match.

Holmes argued there are 'over 20 guardrails in place' against coercion, abuse and forgery, including potential felony charges. No doctors, providers or pharmacists would be required to participate; some health systems have already announced they’ll abstain.

'What they have today is a joke compared to what we had in earlier years… and what we had was non-polluting.'

HB 3146 remains idled in the House Rules Committee, but Kennelly’s opinion ought to be a major wakeup call.

State officials have long discussed a KRM commuter rail line (Kenosha-Racine-Milwaukee) but the new focus is on the MARK Rail project (Milwaukee Area-Racine Kenosha Passenger Rail).

That means ignoring thoughts about the federal minimum wage or Medicare for All but exploring ideas like tax incentives for home builders, tax credits for first-time buyers and broad zoning changes as the commercial real estate landscape changes.

Selfishly I enjoy retelling this story because I support any efforts to use the justice system to actually correct and improve lives and repair brokenness for the benefit of larger society.

It’s impossible to ignore the dichotomy of one school celebrating the infusion of federal cash while another demonstrates the possible peril if such funding streams are throttled.

The overwhelming majority of proposals involve framing maternal mortality as a public health issue and therefore wielding governmental resources in response.

When wading into the murky waters of how Illinois funds essential operations, it’s common to be only ankle deep before wondering if the confusion is intentional.

There’s room for a healthy debate about political considerations at play in the policy shift, but whether someone endorses or rejects underlying motives, the situation illustrates the perils of delivering state services with federal money.

Nine of the governments that did submit plans took note of a fundamental challenge: they don’t control their residents’ salaries.

The present reality, at best, makes it harder for taxpayers to advocate for better allocation of public resources. At worst, the system offers an inviting shield for elected officials to deflect blame for poor (or intentionally harmful) decisions.

Density, infrastructure and other factors vary widely by ZIP code, but every state agency deals with similar regional discrepancies and SB 2111 simply didn’t go far enough in addressing concerns about the shared basic need to get from here to there.

The projects might’ve cost less if started earlier but the Department of Natural Resources budget was shuffled down the priority list during years when even social service agencies weren’t close to adequately funded.

What’s a better framing for the reserve, 2% or $29 million? What about Pritzker’s proposal versus what Democrats formally budgeted: who wanted to pull which levers of power at what time or, from the other side, who was willing to bear the criticism if the money doesn’t move?

Whether these bills might become law is analysis best saved for someone more familiar with Madison than Springfield but it’s interesting to at least consider the proposals as well as underlying factors in order to draw comparisons to Illinois.

After visiting a teller in person and signing off on several forms, we got seven letters confirming the change – one for each checking and savings account affected – then two days later seven more initially sent to the old house and rerouted to the current address.

The number of living veterans has generally decreased yearly, but again Illinois account for about 3.2% of the nation’s 14.2 million veterans.

That failure contradicts the General Assembly’s reputation as a place where powerful Democrats always get what they want and subverts the expectation of the veto session as a setting for ramming through transformative legislation on deadline in dark of night.

Proficiency rates “would have increased if we had kept the same cut scores. However, we changed the cut scores, so we can’t tell you what they would have been. But we know they would have improved.”

SB 2111 doesn’t represent a comprehensive, statewide solution and its passage puts the onus back on those dissatisfied with the status quo to push lawmakers to keep working on the challenges even without an imminent financial disaster.

The Budget Reserve for Immediate Disbursements and Governmental Emergencies is only $100 million. Democrats created the pool by sweeping money from 57 other funds in anticipation of federal decisions with negative fiscal implications for Illinois.

Clearly $20 is significant to someone counting every penny, but as a yearly figure it won’t sway anyone’s vote. The loss of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits is a different story, with an average of about $184 per beneficiary each month.

It is simply too late. Candidates have expended considerable time and resources gathering petition signatures, the filing deadline is Nov. 3 and any alteration now costs money the state doesn’t have while inviting legal exposure that could exponentially increase fiscal liability.

From pure cynicism, there may be wisdom in getting Republicans on board with anything Democrats could present as endorsement of gun registration. But more practically, there’s no faster way to clear an administrative backlog than to erase it altogether.

Voters could see some future relief in the unlikely event the General Assembly amends state law to clarify donation and disclosure timetables, but at worst Harmon has only reputational damage via a hearing officer’s recommendation to reject his appeal of the fine.

'We’re not clinical, but we’ve walked that path and can be a trusted entry point to guide and inform programs – something people without that experience often can’t do.'

'Families need long-term stability, not short-term uncertainty. We still don’t know how much funding this measure provides, how quickly states will receive it, or how long it will sustain operations.'

Opinion from Scott Holland: If the veto session conversation involves sales tax reform, this issue absolutely must be incorporated. Modernizing the tax structure is overdue, including for the opportunity to resolve unintended consequences

In much the same way local governments (especially schools) must dance with the state as its dominant yet clumsy partner, Springfield’s steps are too often intertwined with those from Washington, D.C.

‘If I were the federal government, I’d strongly urge holding off until Thursday,’ she said of the plan to activate troops. But she added, it’s ‘up to them.’

The Illinois ag sector is vital to the local, state and national economies.